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Togo Masamichi shook his head and said, "There's still no news on that. You were awarded the medal this time because of this article."
"An article?" Lin Xinyi took the newspaper from Dongxiang Zhenglu with a puzzled look and started flipping through it. After a while, he put it down and shook his head at Dongxiang, saying, "I didn't write this article. I can't write such eloquent words."
After a moment of silence, Togo Masamichi said, "This article was indeed written by you. Have you forgotten your speech on 'Jinwa Rei' at the naval symposium? I sent that issue of the journal to Tokyo. Minister Ito, no, Chief of Staff, thought the article was very interesting, so he helped you revise it. Of course, it's still your work. Now, the Imperial Household has expressed its praise for the article, believing it to be a manifestation of the Navy's loyalty to the Imperial State. The Navy believes it is necessary to award you a medal."
Lin Xinyi looked at Dongxiang incredulously and said, "But after removing the land reform, the purpose of this article has changed. My point is that only by redistributing benefits to the world can one be qualified to establish order for the world, and the one who establishes order for the world is the emperor in the hearts of the people. But this article means that the emperor's responsibility is to practice benevolence and establish order. The two meanings are too different, aren't they? How can I dare to accept such an award? Isn't this deceiving the world?"
Togo could only point at Lin Xinyi and shake his head with a sigh, saying, "If anyone else received such an honor, they would be overjoyed. Who would refuse such an honor? In the Navy, it's only superiors who take credit from their subordinates; there's no precedent for humbly declining credit."
In short, don't repeat what you just said; it will only annoy others. Since it's been decided that this is your article, then it is your article. Xinyi, you're too arrogant; that's not a good habit…”
Inside the Naval Ministry building in Tokyo, Minister Yamamoto held Lin Xinyi's merit certificate, feeling quite annoyed. Graduates of the military academy are immediately ensign candidates, so the 7th Class Blue Paulownia Leaf Order of the Order of the Petty Officers is of little significance to a naval ensign candidate. Only the 6th Class Single-Bright Rising Sun Order is a true award. Therefore, Lin Xinyi would need a special decree to be promoted and awarded the rank of ensign candidate ahead of schedule. For a cadet from an ordinary civilian background, this was a significant leap, meaning Lin Xinyi had instantly surpassed his contemporaries and entered the 32nd class's elite group.
Seeing Yamamoto's furrowed brows, Vice Minister Saito Minoru spoke up, "Your Excellency, even if Chief of Staff Ito wanted to take care of his own people, he wouldn't do it like this. To award merit based solely on an article—what do they take those soldiers who fought so bravely on the battlefield for? Otherwise, I will refuse the Military General Staff's impudent request."
Yamamoto finally looked away from the achievement book. Without saying a word, he reached out and opened the right drawer, then took out a document and placed it on the table, saying, "This is the original article. The one in the newspaper was cut. Take a look at it first."
After reading the article, Vice Minister Saito stared blankly for a long time before turning to Yamamoto and saying, "What is Chief of Staff Ito trying to do? Is he going to war with the landowners in the country? Although the focus here is on external affairs, it's impossible for the country to remain unaffected."
Yamamoto sighed and said, "That's true, but it's also a policy platform. At least when Count Ito forms his cabinet next time, he won't be empty-handed. So, I can't object."
With that, Yamamoto picked up the pen and signed his approval on Lin Xinyi's merit certificate, though his signature was somewhat weak. Saito Minoru didn't object this time; the article truly deserved a medal. However, Yamamoto stared blankly for a long time after signing before stamping the certificate, then looked up at Saito and said, "Let's not interfere with the naval seminar for now; let's wait until he graduates. Tell me, where would be a suitable place for him after graduation?"
Saito thought for a moment and said, "Or maybe I could get him a military attaché position in the US or Europe. Once he's out of Japan, at least he won't cause any more trouble for the Ministry of the Navy..."
The Army was also puzzled by the Navy's sudden selection of an ungraduated cadet as a model for the Navy. However, the Army was busy applying for budgets to form two new divisions and quickly put the matter aside.
On June 19th, Dongxiang Zhenglu awarded Lin Xinyi a medal in the auditorium, and almost all the students in the school were present to witness the ceremony. The freshmen were simply curious and excited, while the upperclassmen breathed a sigh of relief, as they no longer had to worry about giving up their seats for each other.
Amidst envious glances, even instructors like Yamada were filled with envy, because without military merit, a captain would need to work diligently for 14 years to earn this single-shine Rising Sun Medal.
However, Lin Xinyi wasn't particularly excited about the medal; in fact, he thought it was rather ugly. After receiving it, he locked it in his drawer and never took it out again. He continued his school life as usual, a fact that earned him the admiration of many. However, on July 1st, after reading the newspaper, Lin Xinyi suddenly stood up, clapped his hands at the students in the activity room, and said, "Quiet down, I have something to say..."
Chapter 136 The Wind Rises
"Originally, in my mind, the naval seminar was just a student group where students would get together to explore various possibilities for the future of the navy. After all, everyone was a student and couldn't do anything big."
However, the naval seminar is now more than just a student group; it boasts over 100 external advisors, including veteran Matsukata, high-ranking naval officials such as Ito, and others.
Therefore, the Naval Symposium is no longer just a student group, but a political group with a certain political and social influence. As students of the Naval Academy, we are all very clear that the purpose of our studies is to build the navy and the nation, and applying what we have learned is our goal. When we lack power, the Naval Symposium can only discuss topics, but when we have power, we will naturally put them into practice.
Some say that military personnel should not interfere in politics. In a narrow sense, I agree, but in a broader sense, I disagree. Why? Because war is a continuation of politics. If the military is allowed to be manipulated by a group of incompetent people to control national policy, then we cannot avoid a war that has already been politically lost, and the military becomes a victim of politics.
Moreover, the Meiji Restoration government was established by a group of samurai who overthrew the shogunate by force. Without an army, there would be no government. If this government were truly in the hands of the people, we would be soldiers in wartime and citizens in peacetime, and naturally we would have no objections. However, we are well aware that the government is completely controlled by the Choshu Domain clique and the zaibatsu (financial cliques). As for the so-called Satsuma Domain clique, can a domain that has never even formed a cabinet be called a domain? It is merely a shield put up by the Choshu Domain clique to quell the anger of the people.
The navy is currently just blindly following the government, lacking any autonomy. The Choshu clan controls the government, the zaibatsu control the economy, and the navy has nothing but a few warships. Yet, the navy has no choice but to obey their decisions because military personnel are not supposed to interfere in politics. What do you think? Should this situation be changed?
The classroom was silent. Those sitting in the activity room were the core members of the naval seminar; they weren't freshmen who would easily get carried away with enthusiasm. Of course, it wasn't that they lacked enthusiasm, but rather that they were somewhat overwhelmed by the complex topic Lin Xinyi had posed. If it weren't for his leadership of the naval seminar and his recent medal, everyone would have already gotten up and left. This was a military academy; for a cadet to incite opposition to the government was a serious stain on his record—expulsion would be the least of his worries.
However, some fearless individuals still dared to respond to Lin Xinyi's words, asking, "Xinyi, are you trying to incite us to rise up against the government?"
Lin Xinyi glanced at Inoue Tsunetatsu, who had just spoken, and then shook his head in denial: "No, what I mean is, since we've already been called the Satsuma faction, then we should act as true feudal lords and formulate national policies for Japan and implement them."
The naval seminar is the brain and mouthpiece of this warlord group, because we are the only political group that truly thinks from the perspective of the people, not manipulating politics for personal gain.
Everyone breathed a sigh of relief. As long as Lin Xinyi wasn't inciting them to rebel against the government, then whatever he said was acceptable. Yoshida Zengo also spoke up, asking, "The concept of the Satsuma Domain isn't entirely nonexistent. Of course, compared to the Choshu Domain, the Satsuma Domain doesn't really resemble a domain. However, there are still many naval commanders from the old Satsuma Domain. If the Naval Research Conference were to act as the brain and mouthpiece of the domain, wouldn't that likely be met with resistance from these senior figures?"
Lin Xinyi nodded to him and said, "Perhaps some people will disagree with what I'm saying, but if the navy forms factions based on regional differences, then it has no future. The navy should move forward under a unified political ideology. I don't think those who use regional differences to divide the navy should be in charge of the navy, because they are clearly just tools used by the army to train the navy, not people who can truly think independently about the future of the navy. Can the navy expect such people to lead it forward?"
These words ignited the enthusiasm of some of the cadets, since most of them were not from Satsuma and had little affection for the nepotistic Satsuma faction within the Navy. Other cadets, however, were terrified, as they seemed to recognize that Lin Xinyi was referring to none other than Yamamoto Gonnohyōe, the current head of the Satsuma faction in the Navy, a man who prioritized personal relationships over merit in his appointments.
For a mere cadet to try and shake the Navy Minister's position in the Navy, well, they can't say Lin Xinyi is too arrogant, they can only say that his goal is a bit too ambitious.
Hori Teikichi didn't want Hayashi Shinichi to continue this topic. It wasn't that he couldn't stand listening, but he felt that continuing the discussion wouldn't be beneficial for either Hayashi Shinichi or them. So he changed the subject and asked, "Shinichi, after all you've said, what kind of big project are you planning? At least tell us first so we can understand, right?"
Other trainees chimed in to agree with Hori Teikichi, and then Hayashi Shin-yi raised the newspaper in his hand and said, "You should all have seen the newspapers from this week, right? China is stirring up an anti-American wave. This is precisely the opportunity for the Navy."
Hori Teikichi was somewhat confused. He countered, "Chinese anti-American sentiment might be a good thing for Japan, but what about the opportunity for the navy?"
After putting down his newspaper, Lin Xinyi said, "On January 23rd of this year, the United States and Colombia signed an agreement transferring the rights to build, operate, and control the Panama Canal, along with control of the area within three miles of both banks of the canal, to the United States. The treaty is valid for 100 years and can be renewed for roughly the same period. The United States will pay $10 million, plus an annual canal rent of $250,000 starting in 1912. You should all be aware of this agreement, right?"
Takano Isoroku replied, "Indeed, I remember this agreement was brought up for discussion, and the conclusion was a possible alliance between the United States and France, which would force the British to make concessions on the construction of the Panama Canal. But if even the British couldn't stop the construction of the canal, Japan probably wouldn't even have a say, right? What kind of opportunity could the navy possibly have?"
Lin Xinyi glanced at Gao Ye in surprise. This guy's thinking was indeed one of the few unconventional individuals among the trainees. While others hadn't thought of this aspect, he had already guessed his intention. He nodded and said, "Indeed, under normal circumstances—no, to put it bluntly—according to the international order established by Europeans, Japan naturally has no say in the construction of the Panama Canal, because Japan is not a party to the matter and has no interests in Central America."
However, for Japan, which aspires to establish a new order in Asia, this presents an excellent opportunity to gain a more proactive voice in American affairs. The Americans have consistently asserted their interests in Asia while refusing to acknowledge the legitimate rights of other nations in the Americas.
The United States annexed the Hawaiian Islands and occupied the Philippine Islands. In both cases, the Americans did not take into account Japan's interests or heed Japan's protests.
Following the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, many American businesses began employing Japanese workers, primarily concentrated in California and Hawaii. Today, these Japanese comprise a significant portion of the local population. Given this, would a predominantly white nation that openly discriminates against people of color allow this situation to continue?
In my view, the completion of the Panama Canal will inevitably lead to anti-Japanese movements on the US West Coast and in Hawaii. This is because the United States is a white immigrant nation that has seized land from people of color, used them to develop wasteland, and then expelled them, appropriating the fruits of their labor. This is why the United States was able to transform from an agricultural country on the East Coast into a transoceanic industrial powerhouse in just one century.
If Russia and the United States were placed side by side, Russians could be considered pure angels, because they at least acknowledge that people of color are human beings, while white Americans do not. Therefore, until the United States improves its race policies, the conflict between Japan and the United States is irreconcilable.
The navy must defend the interests of Japanese people overseas. Of course, Japan's current strength is insufficient, so we cannot only talk about the interests of Japanese people, but also about the human rights of people of color and the interests of regional relations.
The anti-American movement launched by China is justified because the United States' colonial invasion of China and the discrimination suffered by Chinese people in the United States are universally acknowledged. If other countries do not even acknowledge this, then Japan should not dream that the international order can protect its dream.
We should take advantage of the anti-American movement launched by the Chinese to spread it to both sides of the Pacific Ocean, and then seek to establish a Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) to suppress American actions in the Pacific through multilateral relations. The establishment of this TPP would also bring semi-independent Southeast Asian regions under its protection, thereby curbing the expansion of the Netherlands, the United States, France, and Germany in the region.
Japan will use this organization to gain a voice in Pacific affairs, thereby expanding its naval operations from East Asia to Southeast Asia and South America. Only with the overarching goal of containing the United States will many countries in the Pacific Rim support Japan; this is the best entry point for the "Southern Expansion" theory.
Lin Xinyi's proposal silenced everyone in the room. Even someone as bold as Takano couldn't help but feel hesitant in the face of such a grand goal. After a while, Hori Teikichi finally spoke up, saying, "But we are already in conflict with Russia. If we create another conflict with the United States, wouldn't that make too many enemies?"
Lin Xinyi smiled and said, "Neither Japan nor Russia is prepared for war, so we need to get everyone back off. Conversely, closer ties between Russia and the US will make Britain more explicit in its stance, and Germany will not allow the US and Russia to align themselves. Therefore, if Russia and the US become closer, the situation will actually be more favorable for Japan. Britain and Germany won't expect Japan to withstand the US-Russia alliance, and using the US-Russia alliance against Japan would be a waste of its potential. The vigilance against the US-Russia-France alliance will cause another upheaval in Europe..."
Chapter 137 The Wind Rises
When Togo Masamichi heard Hayashi Nobuyoshi's request, he looked at him blankly for a long time before he reacted and said, "What did you just say? Use anti-American incidents in China to launch a Japan-China alliance and wage a propaganda war against the United States? Provoke the Americans at this time? No one would support this unless they were crazy, right? We are allied with China to deal with the Russians, not to deal with the Americans. China does not have a fleet capable of dealing with the Americans. Isn't this the same as letting Japan fight the United States one-on-one?"
Lin Xinyi looked at him with a serious expression and said, "Precisely because China has no navy, the United States cannot attack China and Japan from land. Therefore, if a conflict breaks out between Japan and the United States, it will inevitably be a major event in which the navy plays the leading role."
Togo looked at him and asked in return, "I know, but what good does this do for the navy? I don't see it."
Lin Xinyi sighed and said, "After the alliance between Japan and China, the Russo-Japanese War was actually inevitable. But there is still a problem that has not been solved: who will lead this war? In my opinion, if the Russo-Japanese War is about to break out, the army has a much greater chance of forming a cabinet than the navy, because the pressure of the Russo-Japanese War is at sea, but the decisive battle is on land."
In other words, the war would only be meaningful for Japan if it defeated the Russian army on land. Even if it defeated the Russian navy, losing the land war would still be a defeat for Japan. This is because we could not gain any advantage from the war; only by defeating the Russian army on land could we redraw the spheres of influence in East Asia.
Considering this, the army forming a cabinet was almost the best option, and the navy couldn't very well disagree in order to secure victory in the war. But to gamble with Japan's national destiny and the navy's entire fortune, only to have the army benefit in the end—wasn't that just too unfair?
After a moment's hesitation, Togo said, "You mean... to provoke a conflict between Japan and the United States, and then let the navy form a cabinet?"
Lin Xinyi shook his head and said, "No, it's about having Chief of Staff Ito form a cabinet, then Vice Minister Kawahara advance, and Principal Togo can also advance further. After Chief of Staff Ito forms a cabinet, he should try to quell the dispute between Japan and the United States, and then trigger the Russo-Japanese War. At that point, the army can't ask for a change of leadership midway."
After a few moments of silence, Togo asked, "How can we quell the conflict between Japan and the United States?"
Lin Xinyi replied seriously, "Let the Russian newspapers promote the US-Russia Pacific alliance. The United States will definitely clarify and make certain concessions on Pacific affairs, because as long as the United States has any sense, it is impossible for it to get involved in the conflict in Europe."
Togo couldn't help but ask, "What if America loses its mind?"
Lin Xinyi smiled and said, "The alliance between Russia, the United States, and France is not Japan's problem; it's the problem of Britain and Germany. In other words, if this alliance is formed and Britain and Germany remain silent, then they certainly won't attack Japan. Instead, they'll solve the problems in Europe first. Because Europe is the center of the world, as long as the alliance between Russia, the United States, and France can solve the European problems, there won't be any other problems in the world."
After a pause, Lin Xinyi spread his hands and said, "You see, within our capabilities, the conflict between Japan and the United States is not a problem; beyond our capabilities, the alliance between Russia, the United States, and France is not a problem for Japan either. So, why not give it a try?"
"Yes, why not give it a try?" Togo Masamichi pondered this question for three whole days, during which he also had several conversations with Hayashi Shin-yi. In the end, he couldn't resist the temptation and took the plan that Hayashi Shin-yi had given him to Tokyo.
June and July were a rather unpleasant period for U.S. Minister to China, Conger, as Chinese public opinion began to launch a full-scale attack on the United States, and this attack was not unfounded.
For example, newspapers reported that American missionary Calvin Mateer randomly pulled out a pistol and fired at Chinese civilians during his missionary work; and that American missionary Mei Ziming led over 200 followers to loot and occupy the Prince's Mansion when the Eight-Nation Alliance invaded Beijing. Under his command, these followers split into two groups: one searched and looted the mansion, while the other robbed wealthy families in the surrounding area. In Renqiu County, Hebei Province, Mei Ziming incited Allied soldiers to kill over 680 innocent Chinese farmers, using the slogan "head for head."
American missionary W.A.P. Martin picked up a rifle and personally massacred the Boxers. He also recorded in his diary: "The parishioners under the leadership of Pastors Hui Zhidao and Huai Ding continued to demand food, and I did a little robbery for their benefit."
...The American Congregationalist Church was stationed at a royal residence, where Reverend Du Chunpu discovered a large quantity of furs, silks, and other valuables in the surrounding houses. He advertised these items to the military and embassies, putting them up for public auction. Another Reverend, Reverend Resider...bought four large crates of furs, intending to ship them to New York for resale.
...I am honored to have shared in their condemnation, and I admit that I am just as guilty as they are, even though the only item I embezzled for my personal use was a wool blanket.
Of course, the climax was when someone translated Mark Twain's "To Those Sitting in Darkness" and published it in the newspaper, further refuting the hypocrisy of American missionaries and the American government.
These critical voices against the United States continued to appear in newspapers, fueling growing animosity towards Americans among the Chinese. Although Conger attempted to protest to the Chinese government, arguing that these defamatory statements against Americans should be strictly prohibited.
However, Empress Dowager Cixi and Zhang Zhidong, who had established friendly relations with the Americans, expressed their powerlessness because these newspapers were located within the foreign concessions. Other foreign powers completely ignored the American protests, questioning the extent of American freedom of speech.
Germany, in particular, had significant interests to contend with the United States in South America, and the US occupation of the Philippine Islands particularly enraged Germany. Germany believed it had a greater right to the Spanish legacy than the Americans, given its earlier development in the Pacific. Therefore, when the American fleet captured the Philippine Islands, the German fleet briefly entered Manila Bay, but was blocked by the British fleet. Unable to fire on the British fleet, the Germans were forced to withdraw from the struggle for the Philippine Islands.
During the Eight-Nation Alliance's invasion of China, the United States, while invading China, shamelessly criticized Germany's invasion, greatly displeasing the Germans. This was tantamount to having a hypocrite's obsequiousness. Furthermore, the current Sino-US dispute stems from the right-of-way conflict over the Yuehan Railway, which also involves German interests. Naturally, the Germans will not help the Americans suppress Chinese public opinion.
When Conger first took office as Minister to China, he supported the partitioning of China in foreign policy, but the US government refuted this view. Secretary of State John Hay believed that a unified China was definitely better than a fragmented one, because the US would not be able to seize much territory. A unified but weak China, in order to resist the invasion of the great powers, would actually move closer to the US, which was also a basis for US intervention in East Asian affairs.
During the Boxer Rebellion, the resistance of the people in various parts of North China made Conger realize that it was impossible to partition such a continental country, because it was not a country composed of hundreds or thousands of Native American tribes, but a country under a unified regime, where hundreds of millions of people spoke the same language and identified with a single culture. It was impossible to conquer this country with just tens or hundreds of thousands of colonial troops.
If the United States advocates for the partitioning of China, it will gain nothing but anger from the Chinese people. However, by waving the banner of safeguarding China's territorial integrity, it can gain the gratitude of a large portion of the Chinese population, thereby opening the door for American trade and cultural imports in East Asia.
Just as Conger was trying to portray the United States as a friend of China, Chinese public opinion suddenly shifted. The Americans, who had previously been insignificant among the great powers, suddenly became the object of Chinese resentment. The United States' focus was on the Atlantic, so although Americans appeared in China early on, they did not occupy a significant sphere of influence; simply put, American power in China was insufficient.
During the Eight-Nation Alliance invasion of China, although the United States hastily mobilized troops from the Philippines and its homeland, its performance in China was poor; the American commander from the Philippines was even killed by the Chinese. However, in terms of looting and killing within Beijing, the US military was not far behind the other powers.
This naturally made Americans resentful, because other powers had done far worse things than the Americans, so why were the blames being placed on the Americans? However, Conger and the US government sensed a conspiracy. As a country that claims to have freedom of speech, it was all too familiar with the tactic of using freedom of speech to smear its opponents and then incite the public to attack.
As expected, Japanese newspapers also joined the attack on the United States in July. The Japanese were far better at gathering intelligence than the Chinese. They directly brought up the atrocities committed by the United States in the Philippine Islands. Although the Americans had occupied the Philippine Islands in 1899, their treachery led the Filipino people to rise up and resist the Americans again.
During the two-year suppression of the uprising, the atrocities committed by the U.S. military in the Philippine Islands were numerous. U.S. Army Commander Jacob Smith repeatedly declared to his subordinates: "I don't want prisoners. I want you to kill and burn as many as possible, preferably kill every single person who is armed and resisting the United States." The crimes committed by the troops under his command were so horrific that the U.S. government had to court-martial him after the war.
Japanese newspapers then began to dig up old grievances about the United States' annexation of the Hawaiian Islands, the Chinese Exclusion Act, the enslavement and killing of black people in the United States, and a series of scandals such as American capitalists using machine guns and cannons against striking workers. They also raised questions about the safety of Japanese people in the United States.
The collective attacks on the United States by Chinese and Japanese newspapers quickly spread to Europe and America through German and British newspapers. Initially, a few Americans, inspired by patriotism and racism, dismissed the attacks as mere Eastern ramblings. However, as European liberals and socialists began to condemn the American barbarity, their greatest aversion was not to the killing of people of color, but to the fact that American capitalists were using machine guns and cannons against white workers.
In late July, Chinese newspapers reported that the United States had actually spent only $2 million on the Boxer Rebellion, but demanded $25 million in reparations. While the final reparations amounted to $1955.2 million, it was still ten times the actual amount spent. The newspaper concluded by saying, "American honesty, like the promises of American politicians, is full of lies."
The Hubei and Hunan provinces proposed to the Tariff Commission that, given the Americans' fraudulent tactics, the quotas for cotton cloth and steel allocated to the United States next year should be reduced by 50%. Furthermore, the Hubei and Hunan provinces sent a letter to the American company, Hexing, demanding that it complete the Yuehan Railway within a specified period, and that it compensate China for any losses incurred for each day of delay. The conflict between China and the United States suddenly escalated.
Chapter 138 The Wind Rises
The founder and most important shareholder of the American Hopson Company was former Senator Blaise, but he died the year the Yuehan Railway contract was signed. This is why Hopson Company could not get support from the US government and financial groups and had to sell two-thirds of its shares to the Belgians.
At that time, the United States was too far from China. Before the Panama Canal was opened, the journey from the east coast of the United States to China required stopping at ports in other countries for supplies. Therefore, the United States' rule over the Philippines would inevitably require the support of Britain. Without British support, it would be very difficult for the Americans to transport troops to the Philippines.
For this reason, American financial groups are quite cautious about investing in China. Only politicians with a certain political influence, such as Senator Blair, can boldly preside over investment projects in China, because they can make full use of the resources of the US government to interfere in China's internal affairs.
Initially, the US government did not show much enthusiasm in supporting the return of the right to the Yuehan Railway proposed by Huguang, because Hexing Company was just an ordinary American company and not worth the US government going to great lengths to pressure the Qing government.
Of course, after the Eight-Nation Alliance invaded China, even simple expressions of concern from foreigners were enough to make the Qing government back down. Even after Empress Dowager Cixi returned to Beijing, she began engaging in "wife diplomacy," inviting the wives of foreign ministers to the palace to establish connections. In particular, the wife of the American minister, Conger, received a very warm welcome from Cixi. She even wrote an article recounting her visit to the palace to celebrate the festival with Cixi, who sincerely said, "We're family, family, don't be so polite."
Since the foreign dignitaries were now considered part of the Empress Dowager's family, the officials below them were nothing more than lackeys of the foreign dignitaries. As a result, the foreign dignitaries acted with even greater impunity in China. If before the Boxer Rebellion, officials would at least try to reason with the people involved in the cases, now they would beat up the troublemakers on the other side regardless of whether they were right or wrong, because "there are no small matters in diplomacy."
However, as local power factions in Hubei and Hunan clashed with France, Russia, and Belgium over the Luhan Railway, and with the support of Britain, Germany, and Japan, the Americans also supported it. However, considering the Panama Canal, the US government did not speak out on this issue, because the construction rights of the Panama Canal were still in the hands of the French.
With the concessions of France and Russia, this event ultimately resulted in a victory for the powerful faction in Hubei and Hunan provinces, who successfully redeemed the rights to the Luhan Railway from the Belgians. This greatly boosted Chinese confidence. In another timeline, Russia, due to its defeat in the Russo-Japanese War, was forced to relinquish control of the Luhan Railway, allowing the Qing government to quietly redeem it. This event did not cause much of a political uproar.
However, this time, the Hubei and Hunan regions' reclaiming of the Lu-Han Railway rights was the first act of resistance against the foreign powers after the Boxer Rebellion, and it was victorious, naturally triggering a political upheaval. While Zhang Zhidong certainly gained more prestige from this event, the names of Tian Junyi and others also officially entered the national public eye.
While Americans are happy to see France and Russia fail, their strategy is actually the same as Russia's. Unable to gain a foothold in Europe, the Near East, or the Middle East, East Asia has become a window for the United States to enter the Eurasian continent. The Philippine Islands are merely a foothold for the United States to intervene in Asian affairs. To truly open a gap in Asia, the Americans still need to set foot on the mainland.
On the East Asian continent, only China can truly be called a single nation. Therefore, for the US government to implement its global policies, gaining influence over China is inevitable, and this is the greatest significance of the Panama Canal. However, the subsequent anti-American sentiment in China greatly surprised the Americans.
In July, President Roosevelt summoned Secretary of State John Hay and others to discuss the attacks on America's international image by world opinion. He bluntly asked, "I want to know what has happened in the past two months? Why has America's image suddenly become so bad that the Democrats are now using this to criticize us?"
John Hay summarized the related events that had occurred over the past two months for the president, and concluded: "In my view, this is a propaganda war against the United States launched by the younger generation of Chinese, which was then exploited by Japan and Germany to amplify Chinese public opinion. The British did not want to get involved in this dispute and have tried their best to remain neutral in their reporting."
During this period, Roosevelt was constantly fighting against American financial groups and actively promoting antitrust laws, so he didn't care about foreign affairs at all. In Roosevelt's mind, domestic affairs included the United States and the Americas, and everything else was foreign affairs.
He asked the Secretary of State with great bewilderment, "Are our actions in China so bad that young people in China hate the United States instead of advocating for the partition of China by Russia and Germany?"
After thinking for a moment, John Hay replied, "The situation in China has changed dramatically since the Boxer Rebellion. In the past, China was seen as a player similar to Russia in the Far East—large but not strong. But after the Boxer Rebellion, everyone thought it was just another Ottoman Empire."
The change in roles has rendered China's past diplomatic policy of trying to balance the interests of the great powers ineffective. Since China cannot stop anyone's aggression, why should everyone accept its opinions?
China's central government has lost its authority, and the diplomatic ideals of the older generation of Chinese officials have failed. Now, a younger generation of officials and local power brokers are beginning to make their voices heard, reminiscent of the reform movement of the new generation in the Ottoman Empire.
Although these young Chinese elites still learn Chinese culture from a young age, they have also been exposed to Western civilization. They understand the outside world better than their parents and have more courage to explore it.
Just as the young elites of the Ottoman Empire moved closer to Germany to reject Russia and France, China's young elites were also attempting to drive national change through a one-sided foreign policy. Among them, those who had gone the furthest and appeared to have achieved some success were the young men under Zhang Zhidong, the Governor-General of Huguang.
Their opposition to the United States is not out of hatred, but rather an attempt to reclaim certain national rights. Of course, under such constant incitement, opposition to the United States may become a banner they use to rally patriotic and nationalist sentiments.
Roosevelt looked grim, but he didn't give any further instructions, indicating he needed more time to consider it. However, he instructed John Hay to politely decline the Germans' request to the United States. The Germans had suggested to the Americans that the Open Door Policy should be implemented in North Africa, which was clearly a trap the Americans wouldn't fall into.
On the Moroccan issue, the Germans have already made a grave mistake, and now they're hoping the Americans will endorse them—something the Americans would never agree to. Why is it a grave mistake? The Franco-German dispute led to an agreement between Britain and France on the division of their overseas colonies, which included a solution to the Moroccan problem.
Faced with the potential alliance between Britain, France, and Russia, Germany had to back down, abandoning its plan to go to war with France and instead demanding compensation from France for its unilateral decision regarding Morocco. The French, under pressure, accepted Germany's demands but insisted on unilateral negotiations, not wanting other countries to intervene.
At this point, however, Wilhelm II seemed unsatisfied with compensation from Morocco alone. He attempted to include the entire North African continent in the negotiations, and thus instructed the German Foreign Ministry to reject the French request, insisting on multilateral talks. The Germans' reliance was on bringing the Americans into the multilateral talks.
However, President Roosevelt and President McKinley were clearly not on the same page. Although he adhered to the policies set by President McKinley, American politics had in fact shifted from foreign expansion to domestic affairs. Roosevelt disregarded the German invitation and regarded American financial groups as the biggest rival of the US government. He had no desire to participate in European affairs, not because he really didn't want to, but because the United States did not have the power to do so.
While the Americans were far removed from the world's political center by standing outside Europe, they were also far removed from the political conflicts at the center of the world. Precisely because the United States had almost no interests in Europe, the Americans could see at a glance that the Germans' attempt to escalate the Moroccan affair was actually shooting themselves in the foot. This would force Britain to further support the French in order to prevent anyone from making the same demands on Egypt.
The United States would gain nothing from supporting Germany; it would only sow suspicion among Britain and France and create obstacles in the Panama Canal. As the former head of the U.S. Navy, Roosevelt harbored deep distrust regarding the current situation of the U.S. East Coast being surrounded by British naval bases.
The Panama Canal was the only exit point to break through the British naval base blockade. Without this canal, the US Navy would have had to confront the Royal Navy before it could enter the world's oceans. Therefore, before the Panama Canal was built, Roosevelt would not have dared to provoke Britain and France.
While Americans were discussing the global public opinion storm sparked by the Sino-US dispute, the Japanese cabinet also convened an expanded meeting attended by senior officials. This meeting was also related to public opinion towards the US. Of course, they weren't discussing Chinese public opinion towards the US, but rather the outburst of Japanese public opinion towards the US.
This meeting was convened at the suggestion of the Army. At the beginning of the meeting, Army Minister Terauchi Masatake pointed at Navy Minister Yamamoto Gonnohyōe and asked in an unfriendly tone: "What is the Navy's intention in provoking a dispute between Japan and the United States at this time? Do you want Japan to perish?"
Yamamoto Gonnohyōe was quite annoyed when Terauchi Masatake pointed his finger at him and berated him, because he wasn't really clear about the matter. Although the Nanyang Shiji newspapers were nominally supported by the Navy in publishing articles attacking the United States, it was the Naval General Staff, not the Ministry of the Navy, that supported them. Of course, outsiders wouldn't see this, because everyone knew that the Navy used to be a political force, and only the Minister of the Navy could speak on behalf of the Navy.
Yamamoto Gonnohyōe could not expose his own shortcomings at this time, so he could only retort to Terauchi Masatake: "If you are worried about the fall of the country with just a few reports, then what face does the army have to demand a war against Russia? I seriously doubt whether the army has the ability to defend the dignity of the empire."