Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 110

When the Minister of the Imperial Household Department, Zeng Chong, received the notification from the National Assembly, he was at a loss. However, he quickly handed the matter over to his superior. His predecessor, Li Shan, had only changed the window paper at Yingtai, which aroused the dissatisfaction of Empress Dowager Cixi. Ultimately, he was killed for advocating peace talks during the Boxer Rebellion. Therefore, he dared not make any decisions on his own regarding matters concerning the emperor.

After receiving Zeng Chong's report, Li Lianying didn't inform Cixi. Instead, he glared at Zeng Chong and scolded him, "What kind of country is this? They think they can just barge into the palace? There's no need to trouble Your Majesty. We've refused them in His Majesty's name. I want to see if they dare to force their way in. They really think they're something special..."

Although the Minister of the Imperial Household Department should have a higher status than the Chief Eunuch, this was because in the early and mid-Qing Dynasty, those who could serve as Ministers of the Imperial Household Department were all Manchu imperial relatives, who could naturally keep the servants in the palace in check. However, in the late Qing Dynasty, the Ministers of the Imperial Household Department began to be ordinary bannermen, and during the Guangxu reign, they were even promoted directly from among the officials. In contrast, the Chief Eunuchs became increasingly favored by those in power, and they could even directly interfere with the appointment and dismissal of personnel outside the palace. Thus, the status of the two was reversed.

As the first second-rank eunuch of the Qing Dynasty, Li Lianying was naturally someone that an ordinary Manchu official like Zeng Chong could not contend with. Especially after Li Lianying was appointed as the head eunuch, only he could make decisions on matters large and small in the palace, and the Imperial Household Department dared not interfere in palace affairs. Since Li Lianying had already made his decision, Zeng Chong obediently went downstairs. Although he was still worried, he felt that with Chief Eunuch Li in charge, this matter could not be blamed on him.

Although Li Lianying appeared calm and composed in front of Zengchong, after Zengchong left, Li Lianying paced back and forth in his room for a long time, pondering the matter, before finally changing his clothes and going to see Empress Dowager Cixi.

In previous years, Empress Dowager Cixi would always go to the Summer Palace to escape the summer heat after the Dragon Boat Festival and return to the palace after the Double Ninth Festival. This habit was interrupted during the two years she fled the country during the Boxer Rebellion. However, after Cixi returned to Beijing, she resumed the habit of leaving the palace to escape the summer heat, in order to show that her power remained unchanged.

However, this year's summer retreat was inevitably interrupted because the Russians captured Datong, which greatly shocked the capital. Empress Dowager Cixi was worried that if she left the capital, the people of Beijing would see it as another escape, so she simply canceled this year's summer retreat plan.

The place where Empress Dowager Cixi lived was the Yiluan Hall, which had been burned down by the Eight-Nation Alliance. After returning to Beijing, Cixi spent more than 500 million taels of silver to rebuild it and renamed it Fozhaolou. After the renovation, Cixi moved out of the Qianqing Palace. For Cixi, although the Forbidden City represented the source of her ruling power, only Fozhaolou was the place where she truly exercised power.

The distance from Fozhao Tower to Yingtai was not far, so Emperor Guangxu's every move was under Empress Dowager Cixi's watchful eye. Even if the head of the Imperial Household Department changed the window paper at Yingtai, Cixi would know immediately, which shows how close her surveillance of Emperor Guangxu was.

Li Lianying, who had quite a temper in front of Zengchong, became gentle and cautious in front of Empress Dowager Cixi. He told Cixi Zengchong's report and his own plan of handling the matter in detail, and asked for instructions: "Is this servant's handling appropriate? Please give me your opinion, Your Majesty."

After hearing Li Lianying's report, Empress Dowager Cixi felt a headache coming on. She pressed her temples and said, "What exactly do these Han people want to do? I've already let go of affairs outside the palace, and they still insist on sticking their hands into the palace?"

Unlike Li Lianying, Cixi knew that forcing the issue was futile, because Wuhan was by no means a loyal subject of the Qing Dynasty. Tie Liang and Duan Fang were still being held in Wuhan, and personnel appointments and removals in Hubei and Hunan were no longer approved by the imperial court. Personnel and financial power in Henan, Sichuan, Jiangxi, Tibet and other places were also controlled by Wuhan, making it a state within a state.

If the Russians hadn't insisted that Beijing sign an agreement ceding Manchuria and Outer Mongolia, Empress Dowager Cixi would have preferred to reach a peace treaty with Russia and focus on dealing with Wuhan. The Qing Dynasty was actually in a more dangerous situation than during the Taiping Rebellion, because back then, Han Chinese landlords and gentry were willing to stand up against the Taiping. But now, Han Chinese landlords and gentry in various regions no longer had the power to fight against Wuhan. Ultimately, this was because the Qing's authority had collapsed, and there were few local forces willing to serve the Qing.

In the past, although the Taiping Rebellion affected most of China, people in various regions still considered the Qing Dynasty to be the legitimate dynasty and were willing to send money and grain to Beijing. But what about now? Everyone believes that the court is the court of foreigners, and apart from helping foreigners oppress the common people, it does not represent China's interests in any way. The idea that the Manchus enslave China has become deeply ingrained in people's minds.

The sense of revival created by the new policies after the return of the emperor was like a last gasp, quickly fading under the Russian invasion. Although Empress Dowager Cixi seized power, she was not foolish. Her power, seemingly derived from imperial authority, was actually used to balance the power of the Han Chinese faction.

After the rise of the Taiping Rebellion, the decline of the Manchus became unstoppable. The reason why imperial power was still in the hands of the Manchus was not because the Han Chinese were too weak, but because the Han Chinese lacked a true power core. Both Zeng Guofan's Xiang Army and Li Hongzhang's Huai Army were capable of replacing the Manchus, but they were not confident in defeating other challengers because they lacked their own legal basis for rule.

After they sided with the court to suppress Han uprisings, it became difficult for them to overthrow Manchu rule in the name of Han leaders. This was the same reason as the rebellion of Wu Sangui and others. In the eyes of the Han people, they were traitors. When traitors fought against the Manchus, the Han people actually hoped that the Manchus would win, because if the traitors won, even the principle of cause and effect would not make sense.

Therefore, although Empress Dowager Cixi seemed to favor the conservative faction of the Manchus and wanted to maintain the Manchus' status, she never intended to take back the power that had been taken by the Han people. She simply wanted to let other Han people attack the strongest Han governors and prolong the life of the Manchu rule.

These methods were quite effective against old-school figures like Zeng Guofan and Li Hongzhang, but they didn't work as well on Yuan Shikai. This was because Yuan Shikai didn't rise through the ranks via the imperial examinations; he built his power directly within the military. Compared to his predecessors, he was in a much better position because he had no real rivals within the system. The Xiang Army had declined, Zhang Zhidong was merely a scholar, and the others were all talk and no action, their knowledge and experience even less than Zhang Zhidong's.

In essence, it boils down to one sentence: the powerful figures in the south were no longer willing to serve the imperial court. They had begun to seek paths outside the system. This was completely different from the mainstream view during the Tongzhi era, when people believed that reform could save the Qing Dynasty. Young people, represented by those in Wuhan, advocated that only revolution could save China. They wanted to save China, not the Qing Dynasty.

Even before the Wuxu Coup, one of the charges the conservatives used to accuse the reformers was that "the reformers saved China but not the Qing Dynasty." However, in less than ten years, the mainstream view in the South had changed to "to save China, the Qing Dynasty must die first."

Therefore, capable young people flocked to the revolutionaries. Even the enlightened gentry who advocated constitutionalism did not support it to save the Qing Dynasty, but rather to eliminate the revolution. As the power in Wuhan continued to expand, especially after Russia formally declared war on China, Cixi's tools for balancing the political situation became almost entirely ineffective. A regime that cannot protect its territory is clearly unable to maintain its rule, as evidenced by Napoleon and Napoleon III.

Unable to use imperial power to intimidate Wuhan, nor to use force to suppress it, Cixi pondered for a long time but came to no avail. She could only send Li Lianying to Zhang Zhidong and Prince Qing, asking them to stop the National Assembly's actions and prevent panic in and around the capital.

Prince Qing dared not approach the National Assembly himself; he could only seek advice from Zhang Zhidong. Zhang Zhidong, in turn, invited Qin Lishan to his residence to inquire about the National Assembly's intentions. Upon arriving at Zhang's residence, Qin Lishan saw Prince Qing sitting to one side in Zhang Zhidong's living room. He then replied to Zhang Zhidong in an official tone, "The National Assembly does not need to report to anyone what it intends to do or not do. I have no comment on Grand Councilor Zhang's matter. If this is the matter for today, then I must take my leave."

Although Zhang Zhidong was somewhat displeased, he remained silent. However, Prince Qing, who was beside him, had already lowered his stance and said to Qin Lishan in a friendly manner, "Brother Qin, please don't misunderstand. Lord Zhang and I are not questioning what the National Assembly is doing. We just don't know what the National Assembly's purpose is, so we invited you to our residence for a chat. This is by no means an official summons; it is purely a private inquiry."

Qin Lishan glanced at the two men in the living room, pondered for a moment, and then said, "The Parliament's idea is simple: they want to understand the Emperor's current situation. All imperial edicts are issued in the Emperor's name, but very few ministers have actually met with him. You two are both members of the Grand Council; may I ask when was the last time you met with the Emperor? How many times have you met with him this year?"

Chapter 389 Changes in the sky

After Qin Lishan asked this question, Zhang Zhidong fell silent. Qin Lishan waited a moment before taking his leave. Prince Qing, who had been silent until now, watched Qin Lishan's departing figure and then anxiously asked Zhang Zhidong, "Brother Xiangtao, are you just going to let him go like that? What about tomorrow's matters?"

Zhang Zhidong, regaining his composure, glanced at Prince Qing before calmly saying, "I have done my best. The Grand Council is acting under imperial orders. Wuhan is questioning us on this basis; could I possibly continue to obstruct them? If we don't give them a result, what will we do to quell the unrest? This matter must be addressed eventually. To isolate oneself from the outside world while ruling the country under the guise of imperial orders is historically known as forging an imperial edict. Rather than letting them accuse the court of such a thing, it would be better to let them see His Majesty."

"But, but..." Yikuang was sweating profusely, unable to think of a way to deal with the current situation. Failing to do what Cixi had entrusted to him would not be a good thing for him.

Zhang Zhidong rose and slowly walked to the door. He glanced at the sky in the courtyard, then finally sighed and said, "It seems the weather is truly about to change. Your Highness should return and report to the Empress Dowager as soon as possible. Tell her that this old minister is powerless to help, and ask her to reconsider. It's really not worth breaking ties with them now..."

Yikuang did not believe that Zhang Zhidong was truly powerless. He felt that Zhang Zhidong was actually happy to see Wuhan interfere in the emperor's life. After all, what secrets were there in Beijing? The Empress Dowager's mistreatment of Guangxu was already widely known.

For example, after the Wuxu Coup, although the Empress Dowager still allowed Emperor Guangxu to attend imperial meetings, she demanded that he kneel to greet and see her off, showing him no respect whatsoever. In Guangxu's daily life, the Empress Dowager also did not provide him with the treatment commensurate with the emperor. For instance, regarding food, while the emperor's meals were numerous, Cixi's meals consisted of 120 dishes. Of course, after she ate a few bites, these dishes were distributed to those around her. Since there were far more people serving the Empress Dowager than the emperor, these 120 dishes were naturally not wasted.

However, the cruelty of Empress Dowager Cixi's treatment of Emperor Guangxu lay in her strict prohibition against sharing the emperor's leftovers with those around him. These same dishes were then repeatedly placed on Guangxu's table, some even emitting a putrid odor, yet they were not removed. While in terms of etiquette, Emperor Guangxu was still living according to the standards of the Qing emperors, in reality, he was no different from a prisoner, with dozens of dishes being inedible.

Occasionally, to demonstrate the maternal love and filial piety between Empress Dowager Cixi and Emperor Guangxu, she would bestow dishes from her table upon the emperor. However, Cixi required the emperor to kneel in gratitude for each dish bestowed upon him, not just once per meal, but once for each dish.

Therefore, after meeting Emperor Guangxu in Shanxi, a foreign envoy described the emperor's appearance as follows: "He had pits on his forehead and cheeks, a sallow complexion, and uneven, yellow teeth. He looked like a malnourished opium addict."

Li Hongzhang could turn a blind eye to Emperor Guangxu's plight, after all, he and Empress Dowager Cixi were political allies, while Guangxu was his political enemy. However, for Zhang Zhidong, it was difficult to convince himself to stand idly by and watch the emperor being abused by the Empress Dowager. As a member of the Qingliu faction, although he acknowledged the necessity of Cixi's regency, he did not accept the necessity of subjecting the emperor to physical and mental torture, which was essentially destroying the foundation of imperial power.

This is also why Zhang Zhidong tried to suppress the mutiny in Wuhan, but gave up when he found he couldn't. He himself felt that the court was abnormal and could hardly be considered legitimate. He could be loyal to the Qing Dynasty to the end, but he could not accept being completely obedient to Empress Dowager Cixi, because he could not be as shameless as Li Hongzhang.

Wuhan's goal may not have been to protect Emperor Guangxu's health, but in Zhang Zhidong's eyes, Wuhan's demands were beneficial to improving Emperor Guangxu's living environment, so he was no longer willing to stand in their way. Moreover, Zhang Zhidong didn't believe he could stop them; besides being at a moral disadvantage, he also lacked the power to stop them.

Yikuang could guess most of Zhang Zhidong's thoughts, after all, he had spent most of his life trying to figure out what Cixi was thinking. He also agreed with Zhang Zhidong's decision to give up. If he were in Zhang Zhidong's position, he would have done the same. Obstructing the National Assembly from sending representatives to examine the emperor's health was an inexplicable act from any perspective.

However, given his current position, he can't just do nothing. After all, he represents Empress Dowager Cixi. He doesn't have the transcendent status of Zhang Zhidong. If he really doesn't give Cixi face, then so be it. Who would dare to mess with Zhang Zhidong now?

Even Yuan Shikai showed great respect to this de facto chief military advisor in political affairs. Only Zhang Zhidong could get Wuhan to negotiate with him; Wuhan ignored everyone else. For example, the governors of Shanxi, Henan, Sichuan, and Jiangxi protested against Wuhan's infringement on their power on multiple occasions, but Wuhan rarely responded.

Yuan Shikai once attempted to exchange Sichuan for Wuhan, thus abandoning his expansion in other directions, but this plan fell through due to the Russian invasion. Without Wuhan's support, the Beiyang Army could not stop the Russian advance south. Since the Beiyang Army couldn't hold off the Russian invasion alone, what could they use to limit Wuhan's expansion?

Especially this year, with drought in the north and floods in the south, coupled with the large-scale invasion by the Russian army, the imperial court simply couldn't afford to provide disaster relief. The people of Anhui even proactively invited Wuhan to come and help. At this time, what was the point of talking about restricting Wuhan's expansion? Yuan Shikai's opinion was that if the imperial court could hold onto Jiangsu, Jiangxi, Guangdong and Guangxi, and the Northwest region, it would already be the greatest victory. At this time, it was absolutely crucial not to go to war with Wuhan. Otherwise, if Wuhan withdrew its troops and attacked the middle and lower reaches of the Yangtze River first, then the area south of the Yangtze River would no longer belong to the Qing Dynasty.

After leaving Zhang Zhidong's residence, Yikuang hesitated for a long time before going to the palace to report to Empress Dowager Cixi. Instead, he went to see Xu Shichang. Although Yuan Shikai could not reside permanently in Beijing, Xu Shichang became Yuan Shikai's political representative in the capital. He was also a member of the Grand Council and served as acting Minister of War. After Yulang and Shanqi were forced to resign, he also took charge of the Police Department.

In Yikuang's view, Xu Shichang could represent Yuan Shikai's position, and Yuan Shikai's position would determine whether the palace should be firm or lenient on this matter, because military power was in Yuan Shikai's hands.

Xu Shichang was well aware of the reason for Prince Qing's visit, since the National Assembly had already notified him. After thinking for a while, he replied to Prince Qing: "The National Assembly's decision has not violated any laws. If the palace refuses forcefully, it will only raise more doubts. In my opinion, it is better to let things take their course."

Yikuang said with a worried expression, "Brother Juren, I consider you and Xiangcheng to be my own people, and I won't hold back in front of them. Examining His Majesty's health is indeed not a big deal, but the Empress Dowager and I have no idea what they intend to do afterward. What if they finish the examination and say that His Majesty has been mistreated, or that His Majesty needs to go out to recuperate and recuperate? What are we supposed to do in the palace then?"

"Can't we all sit down and talk things out peacefully? They wanted to convene a parliament, and the Empress Dowager agreed; they wanted a constitution, and the Empress Dowager didn't object. Why make such demands at this time? Isn't this just creating trouble out of nothing?"

Upon hearing this, Xu Shichang felt a chill run down his spine. Before the Boxer Rebellion, the die-hards still held some political ideals, namely that the ancestral laws should not be changed. However, after the Boxer Rebellion, the Manchu nobles who returned to Beijing no longer had any true die-hards. Today, the Manchus in Beijing were divided into two groups: the conservatives and the reformists seeking survival. The consensus between these two groups was that the Qing Dynasty was indeed doomed. The conservatives accepted this but hoped to prolong the Qing's demise, while the reformists hoped to return to the period before the Hundred Days' Reform and prolong the Qing's life through reform.

Yikuang was a typical opportunist. He hoped to amass wealth before the Qing Dynasty collapsed, ensuring his descendants would never have to worry about food and clothing. Naturally, peace and stability were ideal at this time, as they would hinder his money-making endeavors. In times of peace, Yuan Shikai needed the protection of this chief Grand Councilor; however, in times of chaos, the court needed the support of local governors like Yuan Shikai. How could the court then extort bribes from the local authorities?

However, politics is always a matter of taking an inch and then a mile. The idea that relinquishing power will guarantee magnanimity is a misconception. Historically, aside from Liu Shan, no one else has ever had a good ending after giving up power. The Manchus slaughtered members of the Zhu family, even targeting an eighty-year-old man who had never opposed the Qing. Now they expect others to refrain from further pressure? Isn't that wishful thinking?

Of course, Xu Shichang wouldn't mock Yikuang on this matter. After all, Yikuang was a political ally of the Beiyang government. Faced with Wuhan's aggressive stance, even the Beiyang government felt uneasy. Maintaining the court was the Beiyang government's paramount duty. Therefore, Xu Shichang conveyed Yuan Shikai's attitude to Yikuang: "I also telegraphed Governor-General Yuan about this matter. Governor-General Yuan believes that forcibly preventing the National Assembly's representatives from entering the palace is probably not a good idea. After all, the imperial edicts have repeatedly mentioned that His Majesty is unwell and therefore unable to govern personally. The National Assembly sent people to check His Majesty's health only to verify whether what the edicts stated was true. If the palace forcibly obstructs them, and the National Assembly declares that it will no longer accept any imperial edicts, then can the national system still exist?"

Although Yikuang had made some preparations before his arrival, based on his understanding of Yuan Shikai, he knew that Yuan would certainly not confront Wuhan before he was confident in dealing with it. However, upon hearing this reply, he still felt somewhat disappointed. After the Hundred Days' Reform, who didn't know whether the imperial edict contained Emperor Guangxu's intentions?

Everyone knows the imperial edict is issued by the emperor, but they still pretend it's for the sake of maintaining the current state of affairs. Questioning the edict is essentially questioning the current system of government. If the system is questioned, can the current situation still exist? Was Yuan Shikai's position as Governor-General of Zhili and Grand Councilor truly granted by the emperor?

He didn't expect Yuan Shikai to actually side with the palace, but he did hope that Yuan Shikai would support the palace for the sake of his own position. Now that Yuan Shikai had slipped away so cunningly, the palace was bound to have problems, but Yuan Shikai might not necessarily benefit from it. The real beneficiary was obviously Wuhan, which had always been at odds with the court.

Empress Dowager Cixi was truly disappointed by the bad news that Yikuang brought back. When Yikuang took his leave, he carefully glanced at her out of the corner of his eye and found that this old woman looked very old and had completely lost the intimidating aura she used to have.

Chapter 390 Dong'an Gate

After the Boxer Rebellion in 1900, Dongjiangmi Lane was renamed Legation Street in accordance with the provisions of the Boxer Protocol. On the maps drawn by the Chinese side, it was officially renamed Dongjiaomin Lane, becoming the Legation Quarter managed by the various embassies themselves. Of the government offices on this street, only the Ministries of Personnel, Revenue, and Rites and the Imperial Clan Court were retained, while the rest were moved out.

Most of these government offices were moved to the eastern part of the city, so officials also moved their private residences there. The old custom of entering the capital through Tiananmen Square was also changed to the route of Donganmen-Donghuamen-Xihuamen-Xiyuan because the Legation Street, which was occupied by foreign powers, hindered the officials' entry and exit.

The military force guarding the Forbidden City was the Vanguard Battalion. Before the establishment of the Jianzhou Jurchen state, it had a more prestigious name—the White-Armored Soldiers. They were the elite of the Eight Banners army, but like other Eight Banners units, this force was thoroughly corrupt by the late Qing Dynasty. One story illustrates just how corrupt the Vanguard Battalion was: when the Eight-Nation Alliance entered Beijing, almost the entire Vanguard Battalion responsible for guarding the Forbidden City deserted. However, a group of eunuchs managed to fight the Alliance forces for a few rounds.

This time, the Vanguard Battalion faced its biggest crisis since the Boxer Rebellion. As instructed by the Minister of the Imperial Household Department, they were to refuse entry to the so-called National Assembly representatives today. However, Ying Kui, the Vanguard Colonel stationed at Dong'an Gate, felt a chill run down his spine when he saw this contingent of National Assembly representatives. Although they were called National Assembly representatives, the contingent included Grand Councilors like Xu Shichang, so it was clear at a glance that this was not a good sign.

Dong'an Gate is the junction of the Imperial City and the Inner City. Ying Kui, stationed here, had no choice but to stand on the front line. In fact, the highest-ranking official here was a captain, but this captain suddenly fell ill last night and didn't report for duty at all today. While inwardly cursing his superior for being so inhuman, Ying Kui could only bite the bullet and step forward to stop the procession.

Qin Lishan glanced at the Manchus blocking the way and casually asked, "Are you here on orders to stop us?"

Ying Kui didn't think much of it and instinctively replied, "Yes." Qin Lishan immediately pressed, "Whose orders are you on? Are there any procedures?"

Ying Kui's heart skipped a beat. He bent over even lower and said with a wry smile, "My lord, please don't make things difficult for me. I'm just following the rules. You don't have any proper procedures, so how can I let you into the palace?"

Qin Lishan stared at him and asked again, "Who exactly ordered you to intercept us? Is there any written record? I'll say it again, we are representatives of the people. We came to see His Majesty on the behalf of the people. You should know what the crime of isolating China from the outside world is, right? According to the laws of the Qing Dynasty, you are an accomplice to treason."

Ying Kui felt that the Han man in front of him was going too far. How could someone threaten someone with the charge of treason so easily? He had been faithfully guarding the gate and had no connection with treason whatsoever. He couldn't help but be a little firmer and said, "I acted according to the rules. Even the Empress Dowager would not punish me with such a charge. Why is this gentleman trying to scare me?"

Qin Lishan took a step back and turned to Xu Shichang, who was standing silently to the side, and asked, "As the chairman of the Royal Affairs Committee, I think the situation in the palace is not clear enough. Is the First Division under Feng Guozhang reliable? If it is not reliable, I suggest that we send a telegram to Governor Yuan and Cai E, requesting them to send troops to the capital to quell the rebellion and protect the emperor's personal safety."

Ying Kui's mind immediately went blank. He finally understood why his boss was staying home to rest today. The other party wasn't there to see the emperor at all; he was there to cause trouble.

Xu Shichang was now finding it hard to cope. He did indeed harbor resentment towards the palace. He had been so frank with Prince Qing yesterday, yet these palace incompetents sent some nobody to block his way—did they really think he was a pushover? Of course, he dared not respond to Qin Lishan, because he knew that Cai E had just annihilated the Russian Western Route Army, absorbing the Shanxi New Army and the Yi Army headquarters. If Cai E were to attack Beijing now, they would be powerless to stop him.

He could only step forward and scold Ying Kui, "Have you lost your mind? How dare you stop people without proper procedures? The National Assembly submitted the notice for an audience with the Emperor the day before yesterday, and His Majesty himself did not object. What are you doing jumping up and down like this? Get out of the way and stop causing trouble."

But Qin Lishan interrupted him, saying, "Lord Xu, it's inappropriate for you to say that. The key issue is that someone ordered the interception. If we don't find this person, wouldn't that be condoning evil?"

Xu Shichang turned his head and said with a look of pity, "He is just a scapegoat pushed out by others. Investigating further will only result in another wronged soul. We are here to see His Majesty today, why create unnecessary trouble?"

Qin Lishan retorted dismissively, "What crime did Tan Fusheng commit? If he can die, what's wrong with these people dying? I don't think there are any wronged souls here..."

The content of their conversation was quite shocking to the officers and soldiers of the vanguard battalion around them. Ying Kui stood there, sweating profusely, no longer daring to interrupt. He also noticed that his subordinates had already cleared a path, showing no intention of sticking with him. Only then did he truly realize that the Qing Dynasty was no longer the Qing Dynasty of the past, and that those who held power were not inside the palace, but outside.

Liang Qichao finally spoke up, advising, "I think it would be better to hand this man over to Zhu Guixin and let him investigate who is behind this obstruction. We should go see His Majesty first. Isn't the most important thing right now to ascertain His Majesty's safety?"

Although Liang Qichao became very close to Yuan Shikai after returning to China, he was still a royalist in politics. He played a significant role in helping the National Assembly establish the Royal Affairs Committee. His goal was simple: to rescue the emperor from Cixi's control and complete the unfinished reform movement.

He had remained silent until now because he was unsure of the extent of the palace's resistance to their audience. Unlike Xu Shichang and Qin Lishan, he lacked a powerful military backing, leaving him powerless against Ying Kui's interception. However, Qin Lishan's swift use of force to break the deadlock made him realize it was time to speak. He couldn't let the audience fail halfway, as all his political maneuvering was contingent on meeting Emperor Guangxu.

Zhu Qiqian, standing in the middle of the group, could only smile wryly upon hearing this. He had just been transferred from the outer city police department to the inner city police department. Although it was a political step forward, he did not think it was a good appointment because the timing was wrong.

There is no one who truly holds the reins in Beijing right now. It seems that the Beiyang clique is growing stronger. Although his uncle is Qu Hongji, he was recommended by Yuan Shikai and can be considered part of the Beiyang faction. However, the military power in Wuhan is currently at its peak, with a large army stationed in the Xuanda area. If they are not careful, it could lead to a civil war. The Beiyang clique actually has no chance of winning.

The reason the National Assembly was so active was because Yuan Shikai did not want a direct conflict with Wuhan; he wanted to avoid a full-blown armed confrontation. Because the Beiyang government was unwilling to engage in armed conflict with Wuhan, it was forced to turn its attention to dealing with the Manchu forces. If Wuhan had not been so powerful, and the Manchus had known when to advance and retreat, then the best option for the Beiyang government would have been to join forces with the Manchus to confront Wuhan.

However, while those Manchu nobles were helpless against Wuhan, they were adept at dealing with their own people. Not only did the Manchus seize the title of the Beiyang First Division, but they also attempted to place Manchus in various Beiyang garrisons to monitor the entire Beiyang Army. This displeased Yuan Shikai and the Beiyang generals. Yuan Shikai could bribe Prince Qing with large sums of money, but he considered the army his lifeblood and would absolutely not allow these Manchu nobles to disrupt his foundation.

Now that the Manchus control the Ministry of War, they are trying to transfer capable personnel from the Beiyang Army and replace them with a group of incompetent Manchus. Naturally, this makes it difficult for Yuan Shikai to have any goodwill towards the Manchu nobles. The disastrous defeat of the Beiyang First Division further made Yuan Shikai realize that joining forces with the Manchus to fight against Wuhan would hardly help him. Giving these useless Manchus any more resources would be a waste; it would be better to spend those resources on the Beiyang Army, which would at least strengthen its power.

Therefore, Yuan Shikai's current strategy is to take over the Manchu forces before Wuhan. After all, the Beiyang government has the advantage of proximity in wanting to swallow up the Manchu forces. The Beiyang group is part of the court. Once the Manchus are squeezed out, the Beiyang forces will naturally take over and will not give Wuhan any chance.

Zhu Qiqian could naturally see through Yuan Shikai's plan, but he did not think it was a good strategy. Although Yuan Shikai could use this method to control the court, the court's authority was already at its lowest point. In other words, even if the Beiyang government really replaced the Manchus and took control of the court, the prestige of that court might not be as great as that of the newly established Wuhan government.

Wuhan's current tolerance of the Beiyang government's absorption of Manchu influence is also aimed at further undermining the court's prestige. If the Aisin Gioro clan can't even control the Han Chinese officials under their command, how can this dynasty continue to exist? Conversely, even if the Beiyang government absorbs the Manchu influence, it is still a traitorous slave. Even if it increases its strength, it has lost its righteous cause.

Even now, he can feel that Wuhan is like the rising sun, moving forward with every step, while the Beiyang and Manchus are like wild boars wallowing in the mud, covered in mud, just for a few bites of food, with no hope of getting out of the mud.

Qin Lishan glanced at the reporters in the group. This trip to the palace to examine the emperor's health was itself a war of public opinion. Unfortunately, the Manchus blocking their way didn't display any aggressive demeanor, which prevented him from escalating the situation further. Liang Qichao still held considerable prestige in the northern media circles, and he couldn't afford to disrespect him.

Qin Lishan finally nodded in agreement with Liang Qichao's suggestion and had the police brought by Zhu Qiqian take Ying Kui back to the police station and detain him. To his regret, the guards not only did not stop him, but also kept their distance. Ying Kui did not resist at all and just hung his head and followed the police away from this place of trouble.

The scene that unfolded at Dong'an Gate quickly spread throughout the palace. Afterwards, the parliamentary delegation encountered no further hindrance, proceeding smoothly through Donghua Gate and Xihua Gate. At Xihua Gate, Zeng Chong, the Minister of the Imperial Household Department, arrived, drenched in sweat, with his entourage. He wasn't there to stop them, but to explain to Qin Lishan that a slight mishap had occurred, leading to the misunderstanding at Dong'an Gate, and that no one in the palace had issued such an order. The reporters in the delegation, witnessing this, immediately began to whisper among themselves. One remarked sarcastically, "Before, foreigners could freely enter and exit the palace; now, the parliamentary delegates are finally getting the same treatment..."

Chapter 391 Yingtai

Yingtai, known as Nantai during the Ming Dynasty, is an isolated island in Nanhai Zi. It faces Baoyue Tower across the water to the south and is connected to the shore by a wooden bridge to the north. When Qin Lishan and his group reached the bridge, Zeng Chong hesitated for a moment and asked Xu Shichang, "Should we pay our respects to the Empress Dowager first and then request an audience with His Majesty?"

Xu Shichang, however, was not going to make that decision. He turned his gaze to Qin Lishan, but Liang Qichao, who was standing next to him, could not contain his excitement and said, "We came here today to check on His Majesty's health. Of course, we should take care of official business first, and then discuss other matters."

Qin Lishan readily agreed, saying, "Mr. Zhuoru is right. Let's finish our official duties first."

Zeng Chong hesitated for a moment before stepping forward and instructing the eunuchs guarding the bridge to inform Emperor Guangxu. At this point, he dared not let Qin Lishan and the others cause any more trouble. He only wanted to get through the current crisis peacefully and send these people out of the palace safely.

After crossing the wooden bridge and heading south, you will see a stone tablet. Beyond the stone tablet is the Xiangluan Pavilion, which is actually the main gate of Yingtai. After passing through the first floor of the Xiangluan Pavilion, you will see the Hanyuan Gate. Beyond this gate is the Hanyuan Hall, the secluded residence of Emperor Guangxu.

During the invasion of Beijing by the Eight-Nation Alliance, this place served as the headquarters of the Alliance. After the Alliance withdrew, although many cultural relics and ornaments were lost, it was not damaged further. However, after Empress Dowager Cixi returned to Beijing, she did not allocate funds for its repair. Therefore, when Qin Lishan and others arrived at Yingtai, some traces left by the Eight-Nation Alliance were still clearly visible.

Seeing this, Liang Qichao felt even more disgusted with Empress Dowager Cixi's persecution of Emperor Guangxu. After all, he was an emperor; how could he be imprisoned like a prisoner? The other councilors were also surprised. Although they had heard that Emperor Guangxu was under house arrest by Cixi, they had never imagined it would be in this way. This was no longer the level of an elder punishing a younger generation.

Hearing these comments, Xu Shichang was embarrassed. He was aware of the emperor's treatment, but he used to think it was nothing. In politics, it's all about the winner and the loser. It was good enough that Guangxu was alive. When the Boxer Rebellion broke out, there were several Manchu nobles who wanted to kill Guangxu and replace him with a new emperor. What did this little hardship in life matter?

But now, overwhelmed by these discussions, he suddenly realized that his stance seemed to have deviated. The Qing Dynasty governed the country with loyalty and filial piety. Of course, this was not unique to the Qing Dynasty. Most unified dynasties in Chinese history had to emphasize loyalty and filial piety. If they couldn't emphasize loyalty, they could only practice blind filial piety, because filial piety doesn't require reasoning. It's enough for the younger generation to absolutely obey the elders.

However, values ​​like loyalty and filial piety are meant to be taught to the common people, not to the rulers. If the country were truly governed according to these values, the Manchus would have been wiped out long ago, and almost none of the Han gentry would have survived. Xu Shichang was a smart man, and naturally he wouldn't actually measure politics by these values. Therefore, he wouldn't question Cixi's methods of dealing with Emperor Guangxu, because that's politics, after all.

However, for the councilors from the local areas, the fact that the most esteemed figure in the land was living like a prisoner, while the ministers who constantly preached loyalty and filial piety turned a blind eye to this, naturally left them bewildered and disillusioned. Previously, the conservative faction in the court opposed reform by adhering to the principle that ancestral laws were immutable, and the reason these laws were immutable was to maintain the monarchical system and the moral order of the world.

How can we talk about the monarchical system and the moral order of the world if the emperor is imprisoned like a prisoner? Previously, people had not witnessed it firsthand, so they could still claim that the reformers were spreading rumors and slander. Now that they have seen it with their own eyes, they are naturally very disappointed with the conservatives in the court, because it shows that the conservatives' so-called defense of tradition is fake, and their real intention is to maintain their own power.

From a certain perspective, the reformists' shift to revolution was justified by their refusal to implement reforms for the sake of personal power, because the fate of the nation could not be saved without eliminating these stubborn reactionaries. How could one withstand the storm of revolution by standing with such a group of power-hungry scoundrels?

It was at this point that Xu Shichang realized that while loyalty and filial piety could indeed be used to deceive the people, the prerequisite was that you had to keep them in the dark. If the people discovered that you were lying, then you could no longer fool them with loyalty and filial piety. The Beiyang government's stance towards the emperor had now become a huge problem; no matter what choice they made, there would be issues.

Xu Shichang subconsciously focused more of his attention on Qin Lishan, trying to understand the other's true intentions this time. He felt that his previous considerations had been somewhat superficial. Qin Lishan, however, did not feel any emotion about the emperor's living conditions. Even the most dilapidated royal buildings were better than those thatched huts. After shifting his stance to the working class, he was no longer so moved by the emperor's life under house arrest.

What truly humiliated him here were the traces left by the Eight-Nation Alliance—small bullet holes, cuts from sabers—all testifying to the Alliance's wanton atrocities. These European barbarians, under the guise of civilization, were destroying true civilization.

This sense of national sorrow diluted the already dwindling sense of subjectivity in Qin Lishan's heart. However, after entering Hanyuan Gate, a new and unexpected situation interrupted Qin Lishan's thoughts, causing him to focus his attention on the eunuch in front of him.

Qin Lishan gave the other person a cold look before speaking, "Are you saying that we can only bow to His Majesty here? And that doctors can only answer questions and can't examine people?"

Cui Yugui smiled broadly, but his eyes were devoid of emotion as he said, "Because His Majesty is unwell, how could we servants bear the responsibility if so many people were to be infected with his illness? His Majesty has always used traditional Chinese medicine, and the Imperial Hospital has His Majesty's medical records. If the doctors you brought can understand these records, they can naturally understand His Majesty's condition through questioning. If they cannot even diagnose the basic illness, how could we dare to allow them to treat His Majesty so casually?"

Qin Lishan looked up at the steps of Hanyuan Hall and saw a young man in a yellow dragon robe sitting quietly there. The two were about 10 steps apart, and he could barely make out the other's appearance. Apart from his somewhat empty eyes, there was nothing abnormal about him.

Xu Shichang knew Cui Yugui's identity and therefore remained silent. Liang Qichao immediately objected; he had finally made it this far, how could he be stopped by a mere eunuch? He quickly said to Qin Lishan, "We can stand here, but the doctor must give His Majesty a thorough examination..."

Qin Lishan nodded slightly, then turned to Zhu Qiqian behind him and said, "Didn't we just arrest an officer from the Vanguard Battalion at Dong'an Gate? Ask this eunuch to identify them and see if they know each other."

Zhu Qiqian turned his bitter gaze to Xu Shichang. He now understood why the other party insisted that he personally lead the police into the palace; they were using him as a pawn. While Xu Shichang was still hesitating, Cui Yugui objected. He took a few steps back and raised his voice, "What do you want to do? This is the palace. If you cause trouble, it will be treason."

Qin Lishan ignored him and shouted loudly to Emperor Guangxu, who was sitting on the steps: "Your Majesty, we need to ask this eunuch to leave the palace to conduct an investigation. We hope you can grant us permission."

Before Emperor Guangxu could say anything, Qin Lishan turned to Xu Shichang and whispered, "I'm watching from here, and Wuhan is watching too. Now, I ask Your Excellency to make a decision."

Xu Shichang's expression changed slightly. He looked at Qin Lishan and said, "What exactly do you want to do? He's just a eunuch. Even if you arrest him and kill him, what good will it do? Do you really want the emperor to rule in his own right?"

Qin Lishan shook his head and said, "We want to abolish the Grand Council and then form a State Council composed of the ministers of the Six Ministries and the governors-general of various regions to preside over national affairs. The State Council will be responsible to the National Assembly from now on, and will no longer need to be responsible to the Emperor. We support Governor-General Yuan as the first chairman of the State Council to reorganize the national system, refresh politics, and thoroughly eliminate the lingering influence of the Manchus."

Of course, if Governor-General Yuan refuses, we will consider the peaceful resolution of the Qing Dynasty's problems a failure, and then we should prepare for war. Rather than fighting the Russians, I think fighting the Beiyang Army is more advantageous for us now.”